Why Magyar’s victory matters for Southeast Europe

Several countries in the region offered hypocritical congratulations to the winner of the Hungarian elections, as they had invested a lot in the relation with Viktor Orbán, whose illiberal democracy had been an inspiration for them.

Hungarian voters delivered a stunning verdict, sweeping Péter Magyar and his Tisza party to a commanding two-thirds majority in parliament with 136 seats, while Viktor Orbán’s long-dominant Fidesz secured only 57, according to provisional results. Record turnout reflected deep public discontent with economic stagnation, corruption allegations, and Hungary’s self-imposed isolation within the European Union.

The Magyar victory marks not merely a government change but a potential reset of Hungary’s foreign policy, with immediate ripples felt across the Balkans.

The reactions in the Balkans revealed a region attuned to the nuances of power shifts in Budapest, where Orbán had cultivated personal ties, energy deals, and a shared skepticism toward Brussels. Most leaders offered congratulations while signaling hopes for continuity in practical cooperation and, in many cases, a warmer Hungarian embrace of European norms. This early diplomatic choreography suggests that the Balkans view the transition less as upheaval than as an opportunity to recalibrate relationships without rupture.

In Serbia, President Aleksandar Vučić, for whom Orbán was a key ally, congratulated Magyar on his victory and expressed confidence that strong bilateral cooperation would continue to deepen, while also thanking the outgoing PM for elevating Serbia–Hungary relations to new heights. This dual message underscored Belgrade’s investment in the pragmatic partnership built over recent years, encompassing infrastructure linked to China, energy linked to Russia, and shared euroscepticism.

Serbian officials had openly encouraged dual citizens to support Fidesz, and the Union of Hungarians in Vojvodina had reciprocated by backing the ruling Serbian Progressive Party in local votes.

Opposition voices, such as General Zdravko Ponos of Serbia Center, offered sharper criticism, noting that Vučić’s terse phrasing suggested nervousness over incidents like the pre-election discovery of an explosive device near Kanizsa. Ponos highlighted how pro-government media treated the result almost as a tribute to Orbánl, and urged European partners to see Serbia’s underlying dynamics more clearly. Despite these domestic critiques, official Belgrade appears determined to preserve strategic continuity rather than risk isolation.

For North Macedonia’s current leadership Orbán was a strategic ally, at par with Vučić’s Serbia. No immediate high-level statement emerged from North Macedonia’s Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski in the very first hours, although the country’s Foreign Minister Timcho Mucunski congratulated Magyar and expressing hope for continued cooperation grounded in mutual respect, partnership, and shared European values.

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Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico offered “intensive cooperation” while thanking Orbán, illustrating the complex mix of forward-looking engagement and lingering appreciation for past ties. Fico and Orbán used to be the tandem which on many occasions torpedoed the EU’s unity of capital importance.

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Czech PM Andrej Babiš congratulate Magyar, despite publicly endorsing Viktor Orbán on the eve of the election—praising the Hungarian prime minister as a defender of a “stronger Europe” and urging voters to choose “stability and proven leadership” in turbulent times.

As the election result became clear, Babiš posted on X: “Congratulations to Péter Magyar on his election victory. Facing such a strong opponent as Viktor Orbán was never easy, yet he earned the trust of the majority of Hungarians and carries great hopes and expectations. He must not disappoint.”

In Republika Srpska, Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik offered no recorded early reaction to Magyar’s victory. Having maintained an exceptionally close personal rapport with Orbán – whom he repeatedly called a “dear friend” and strategic ally in resisting EU pressure over secessionist policies – Dodik had publicly endorsed the Hungarian prime minister just days before the vote, writing on 10 April that “Republika Srpska stands with you.” The subsequent silence from Banja Luka is therefore striking.

Conversely, regional leaders who kept their distances with Orbán reacted with relief.

Croatia’s Prime Minister Andrej Plenković, who had repeatedly clashed with Orbán over migration policy, EU rule-of-law disputes and energy cooperation, offered a noticeably relieved and forward-looking message to the new Hungarian leader. On 13 April he posted on X after a direct phone call with Péter Magyar: “I just spoke to Peter Magyar on the phone and congratulated him on his convincing election victory in Hungary. Our objective is to enhance political dialogue, deepen economic and energy cooperation, and address outstanding issues in a spirit of good neighbourliness and partnership.”

The statement carried an unmistakable tone of relief; Plenković’s HDZ and Magyar’s Tisza both belong to the centre-right European People’s Party, and Croatian officials had long viewed Orbán’s confrontational style as an obstacle to smoother bilateral and EU-level relations. By emphasising practical cooperation rather than ideological affinity, Plenković signalled that Zagreb sees the change in Budapest as an opportunity to reset ties that had been strained for years.

Sources: IBNA, BETA, BGNES, Reuters

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Caption: Leader and prime ministerial candidate of the Hungarian opposition Tisza Party Peter Magyar holds a press conference in Budapest, Hungary, 13 April 2026. Tisza Party won Hungary’s parliamentary elections by obtaining two-thirds of the votes on 12 April. EPA/TIBOR ILLYES HUNGARY OUT