“We were never friends”: Kremlin distances itself from defeated Orbán

In a striking display of realpolitik – and hypocrisy – Moscow has distanced itself from its once-favored European ally following Viktor Orbán’s crushing electoral defeat.

Hungary’s voters have decisively ended 16 years of Orbán’s rule, handing a landslide victory to Péter Magyar and his Tisza party. The Kremlin, long accustomed to leveraging Budapest as a sympathetic voice within the European Union, now finds itself recalibrating relations with a government that promises both continuity in energy ties and a firmer stance against Russian aggression in Ukraine.

Dmitry Peskov, the Kremlin’s longtime spokesman, wasted little time in reframing the narrative. Speaking to reporters, he emphasized that Russia had “never been friends” with Orbán personally, insisting that Moscow’s engagement had always been based on pragmatic dialogue rather than ideological affinity. Peskov noted with satisfaction Magyar’s apparent openness to continued contacts and stated that Russia would proceed based on the specific steps taken by the new Hungarian government. “We respect the choice Hungary has made,” he added, while making clear that Budapest no longer enjoys any special status and is now treated like other European “unfriendly” countries that support sanctions against Russia.

This measured tone echoes Moscow’s response to other setbacks, such as the fall of Bashar al-Assad in Syria, where the Kremlin quickly sought to preserve influence with new authorities rather than dwell on lost alliances, or the dramatic end of Nicolas Maduro rule in Venezuela. No official congratulations were extended to Magyar, underscoring the Kremlin’s view of Hungary as part of a broader adversarial bloc. Yet Peskov left the door ajar for “very pragmatic contacts,” signaling that energy realities and economic interests could still shape bilateral ties.

The shift comes after years in which Orbán positioned Hungary as Russia’s Trojan horse inside the EU. His government frequently softened sanctions, delayed or blocked aid packages to Ukraine, and maintained warm personal rapport with Vladimir Putin. Leaked conversations illustrate a master-and-servant relationship, with Orbán telling Putin, “I am at your disposal”. Russian intelligence and state media were even accused of efforts to bolster Orbán’s campaign, including sensational reports of planned provocations to rally domestic support.

A new voice in Budapest: pragmatism with boundaries

Péter Magyar, a 45-year-old former Orbán insider who broke ranks to lead the centre-right Tisza party, has struck a notably different chord. In his first major statements after the April election, Magyar made clear that a complete rupture with Russia is unrealistic but that Hungary’s foreign policy would rebalance toward the West while protecting national interests. “We cannot change geography,” he remarked, acknowledging the persistent reality of Hungary’s landlocked position and heavy reliance on Russian energy supplies, which account for more than 80 percent of its fossil gas and crude oil imports.

Magyar pledged to pursue diversification of energy sources over time, aiming for greater security and lower costs through new infrastructure and international agreements. He reiterated a campaign goal of phasing out dependence on Russian energy by 2035, though he tempered expectations by stressing the need for the cheapest and safest supplies in the interim. This approach reflects the economic challenges awaiting his government: a struggling economy burdened by past policies, where abrupt changes could spike household and industrial costs.

On Ukraine, Magyar drew a sharp contrast with his predecessor. He stated unequivocally that if Putin were to call, he would answer and use the opportunity to urge an end to the conflict. “It would be nice to end the killing after four years and end the war,” he said, recognizing Ukraine as the victim of aggression and noting the heavy toll on both Ukrainian and Russian lives. This marks a departure from Orbán’s rhetoric, which often blamed the EU and Kyiv for prolonging the war while vetoing critical aid, including a recent €90 billion EU loan package. Magyar has signaled he would not maintain such blocks, potentially unlocking frozen EU funds and easing Hungary’s isolation within the bloc.

The election itself delivered a historic rebuke. Celebrations in Budapest featured revived slogans from the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, including “Ruszkik, haza” (“Russians, go home”), reflecting public fatigue with perceived closeness to Moscow.

Analysts suggest the outcome carries broader lessons for the Kremlin. As Carnegie Endowment expert Alexander Baunov observed, the defeat reinforces skepticism among Russian elites about relying on democratic partners in Europe, where voter sentiment can shift dramatically. Betting on figures like Orbán – or even external allies such as Donald Trump – appears risky when democratic mechanisms allow sudden change. Pro-Kremlin commentators echoed this, concluding that Moscow must depend primarily on its own efforts in Ukraine, as external political footholds like Hungary or Slovakia offer limited breakthroughs.

For Hungary, the transition promises a return to the European mainstream. Magyar has vowed anti-corruption measures, institutional reforms, and closer EU cooperation, addressing grievances that fueled his rise. Yet challenges remain: navigating energy dependence without economic disruption, managing relations with a resentful Russia, and delivering on diversification amid geographic constraints. His government will also inherit scrutiny over past scandals, including allegations of espionage ties and information-sharing with Moscow.

In the end, the Kremlin’s “never friends” narrative speaks volumes about Kremlin’s resignation to its diminishing footprint in the region.

Sources: Guardian, Nord News, digi24.ro, New York Times, Reuters

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Caption: Russian President Vladimir Putin (C-R) and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban (C-L) shake hands during a meeting at the Kremlin in Moscow, Russia, 28 November 2025. EPA/ALEXANDER NEMENOV / POOL