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Trump’s National Security Strategy declares war on ‘dying’ Europe

Washington pledges to "cultivate resistance" to Europe's "current trajectory" by backing aligned sovereign states and "patriotic parties"

Georgi Gotev EUalive December 6, 2025 07:46

The Trump administration’s freshly unveiled 2025 National Security Strategy (NSS) reads less like a blueprint for alliance and more like a parting shot across the Atlantic. Released on 4 December, the 33-page document paints Europe not as a steadfast partner but as a continent teetering on the brink of “civilizational erasure” – a phrase that has sent shockwaves through Brussels, Berlin, and beyond.

It’s a vision as blunt as it is foreboding: a Europe hollowed out by migration, regulatory overreach, and a loss of “Western identity,” where the EU itself emerges as an unwitting antagonist undermining sovereignty and free speech. For American policymakers, the fix isn’t more U.S. aid or troops – it’s tough love, burden-sharing, and a nudge toward “patriotic” populism.

Coming just months after Vice President JD Vance’s incendiary Munich address, the NSS feels less like a pivot than a ratification of a deepening rift.

The document’s Europe section, buried in its regional priorities, is a masterclass in ideological critique masquerading as strategy. Gone is the post-Cold War optimism of shared democratic values; in its place, a diagnosis of continental decay. Europe’s GDP share has shrunk from 25% of the global total in 1990 to 14% today, the NSS laments, blaming “regulations that stifle creativity and innovation” and a “transnational” EU agenda that erodes national identities.

Migration is cast as a transformative force risking “unrecognizable nations,” while low birthrates and censorship – exemplified by laws targeting “misinformation” – signal a retreat from core liberties. The Ukraine war, far from galvanizing unity, is framed as a perverse accelerator of dependencies, with Germany singled out for building factories in China reliant on Russian gas.

U.S. goals? Help Europe “regain self-confidence” by ditching the regulatory straitjacket, celebrating its “European character,” and shouldering primary defence responsibilities. NATO allies must hit 5% of GDP on military spending – up from the current 2% target – under what the document dubs the “Hague Commitment.”

Washington pledges to “cultivate resistance” to Europe’s “current trajectory” by backing aligned sovereign states and “patriotic parties,” a not-so-veiled nod to far-right movements like Germany’s AfD or Britain’s Reform UK.

On Ukraine, the tone is transactional: Negotiate a “cessation of hostilities” for Eurasian stability, reconstruction, and – implicitly – easing Russia’s isolation, even as the document faults European leaders for blocking U.S.-backed peace efforts.

This isn’t partnership; it’s paternalism with an exit clause. As the NSS warns, “over decades, some NATO members may become majority non-European,” casting doubt on their long-term reliability as allies. This formulation was described by “racist” by European commentators.

None of this should surprise anyone who tuned into Vance’s 14 February speech at the Munich Security Conference, where the vice president lobbed rhetorical grenades at Europe’s elite. “The threat that I worry most about, vis-à-vis Europe, is not Russia, it’s not China… it’s the threat from within: the retreat of Europe from some of its most fundamental values,” Vance declared to a stunned audience. He decried censorship, the annulment of Romania’s presidential election over alleged foreign meddling, and the exclusion of “populist voices,” vowing U.S. support would hinge on free speech and political legitimacy. Vance’s words, delivered at the Hotel Bayerischer Hof, weren’t off-the-cuff; they echoed the “America First” restraint baked into the NSS – non-interventionism abroad, muscular sovereignty at home.

Vance later softened his tone in May, insisting Europe and the U.S. are “on the same team,” but the NSS proves that Munich was no aberration- it’s doctrine.

European reactions have been swift and searing, blending defiance with dismay. Germany’s Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul led the charge on Friday, rejecting the strategy’s “outside advice” on free speech and democracy as overreach. “The United States is and will remain our most important ally in NATO,” Wadephul told reporters in Berlin, alongside his Icelandic counterpart, but “questions of freedom of expression or the organization of our free societies do not belong [in the strategy].”

He invoked Germany’s constitutional safeguards – separation of powers, press freedom – as sufficient, adding, “We see ourselves as being able to discuss and debate these matters entirely on our own.”

The EU Commission, through spokeswoman Paula Pinho, dismissed the bloc’s portrayal as sovereignty-eroding, calling the accusations unfounded but pleading for time to “assess” the full text.

Further afield, speaking to LCI TV channel, a former French ambassador to the U.S. branded the NSS a “far-right pamphlet,” while the European Policy Centre warned of an “existential threat” via implied EU “regime change.”

Cult of personality?

In the 2025 National Security Strategy’s 33 pages, Trump’s name is invoked 27 times – a frequency that has drawn swift rebuke from commentators likening the document’s fawning tone to the cult of personality hallmarks of communist regimes, where the leader’s persona eclipses policy itself.

In Foreign Policy, experts decried a “divide and conquer” playbook, aligning Washington with Moscow in courting Europe’s nationalists – a “tremendous victory” for Putin, as one analyst put it.

The implications are seismic. This NSS formalizes a transatlantic divorce from liberal universals, reframing alliance as a marriage of conveniences – U.S. incentives for “responsible” allies, but withdrawal from perpetual subsidy. For Ukraine, it spells peril: A hasty peace could cede territory, emboldening Russia while sidelining Kyiv’s agency. NATO’s cohesion frays as burden-sharing morphs into blame-shifting, and U.S. meddling in European politics risks blowback, from espionage probes to populist surges.

Putin has long dreamed of shattering NATO from the outside, yet history may record that the alliance’s most decisive wounds were inflicted from within, by Donald Trump. Yet in its disturbance lies Europe’s unlikely opportunity. Trump’s “civilizational” lens may alienate, but it underscores a truth: the old order is obsolete. For Brussels, the NSS isn’t just unwelcome advice – it’s a wake-up call to stand, finally, on its own feet.

Transatlantic divorce announced: U.S. sets 2027 deadline for Europe-led NATO defence

Caption: President Donald Trump (L) and Vice President JD Vance (R) salute as they attend a Veterans Day ceremony at Arlington Cemetery, Arlington, VA, USA, 11 November 2025. EPA/AARON SCHWARTZ

Updated: December 6, 2025 - 08:05

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