The Burnham government’s first week: will the sugar high last?

Having enjoyed a relatively smooth path to power, PM Andy Burnham now faces a tougher challenge, writes Dick Roche.

EUalive’s columnist Dick Roche is a former Irish Minister for European Affairs. His columns can be found here.

On Monday 20 July, Andy Burnham arrived in Downing Street after his audience with King Charles at Buckingham Palace. Burnham -Britain’s 60th Prime Minister since Robert Walpole took office in 1721- spent six minutes outlining how he intended to govern as Keir Starmer’s successor.

Much of Burnham’s 550-word speech, was a rerun of points made in during his campaign against Starmer and material recycled from his 17 May Labour leadership acceptance speech. Remarkably, it was the only substantial statement made by Britain’s new Prime Minister during his first week in office.

Burnham opened with a “confession” that UK politicians needed to “up their game and rise to new challenges” and “show the world that we can regain our stability once again – to make politics work, to make it work better”.

Addressing viewers beyond Downing Street, he added: “I know people at home are fed up with politics. I hear you and I want to be honest with you – we have not been good enough, and we need to be better.”

Looking for a culprit for Britain’s decline, Burnham turned to the 1980s, when Margaret Thatcher dominated British politics. Britain, he argued, “took some wrong turns. Political power was centralised, economic power privatised, large parts of the country deindustrialised.” Notably absent was any reference to the Blair-Brown years from 1997 to 2007 or to the chaos that had propelled Thatcher to power.

Burnham promised to make politics “more collaborative, more about problem-solving than point-scoring”. Without much modesty, he described his arrival as “a circuit breaker for Britain”, pledging “the biggest changes in the last 40 years – a new political model and a new economic model”.

The key, he argued, would be a radical redistribution of power. His Government would shift authority from London and “carry it into every postcode in the land”, enabling communities to do more and help build a new economy.

Alongside decentralisation, the Government would reverse the privatisation of public services – a demand of the unions that backed Burnham’s campaign. It would place “life’s essentials”, like water, under stronger public control to improve affordability. Another priority would be reindustrialising Britain through public procurement policies that favour British industry.

How this will be achieved will be set out in a 10-year plan due later this year, “laying out a path from where we are now to where I believe we all want Britain to be”. Until then, Burnham promised measures to give people “some breathing space” on the cost of living. Three such measures were announced during the following days – more about which later.

The Prime Minister also repeated previous commitments to build more council homes, a key issue for Labour supporters – there are currently 1.5 million families on UK housing waiting lists. He announced that his Government would aim to bring “more young people into work by changing the education system and giving them more support, (and) more mental health support”. An important commitment, at present there are one million young people aged between 16 and 24 in the UK who are not in education, employment or in training.

Acknowledging financial constraints, Burnham committed to finding a “fair and sustainable way” to reduce the welfare bill, meet fiscal rules and honour defence commitments to international partners.

With a flourish, he promised to walk through “that door behind me and issue my first instruction to end rough sleeping in our country”.

He closed by pledging to put “the right values and right standards at the heart of government” and “the care of people at the heart of everything I do”.

In a striking omission, Burnham made no reference to his predecessor, Sir Keir Starmer. Speaking from the same spot barely an hour earlier, Starmer had publicly offered his support and good wishes to his successor.

The very Burnham cabinet

Addressing the Labour Party on 17 July after his leadership was confirmed, Burnham acknowledged the factionalism that had long plagued Labour, declaring: “Today we have moved past that.” His pledge to move beyond the party’s divisions suggested he might draw his Cabinet from across Labour’s factions. He did not.

The Cabinet that met for the first time last Tuesday is unmistakably Andy Burnham’s. Its most striking feature is the purge of Starmer allies and the promotion of ‘Burnham supporters’ and “Starmer rebels” who helped pave his way to Number 10. The selections reveal a ruthlessness and steely resolve behind Burnham’s affable public image.

Among the key Starmer associates shown the door were Chancellor Rachel Reeves, Deputy Prime Minister and Justice Secretary David Lammy, Science and Technology Secretary Liz Kendall, Welsh Secretary Jo Stevens, Housing Secretary Steve Reed and Attorney General Richard Hermer, one of Starmer’s closest allies.

Briefings from Burnham’s team suggested Reeves had been offered another senior post—Defence was mentioned—but declined. Intriguingly, her sister Ellie Reeves was chosen to replace Hermer as Attorney General.

Burnham’s biggest reward went to John Healey, a leading “Starmer rebel”, who became Chancellor of the Exchequer, the most senior of the Great Offices of State after Prime Minister. Healey had resigned as Defence Secretary in June over future defence spending. Many viewed that resignation as the final nail in Starmer’s coffin.

The other two Great Offices of State went to Shabana Mahmood as Home Secretary and Ed Miliband as Foreign Secretary. Both had sought the Treasury role.

Moving Miliband from Energy Security and Net Zero to the Foreign Office made tactical sense. If Burnham retreats from the controversial North Sea policies Miliband championed, political embarrassment is avoided.

Retaining Mahmood also made sense. While criticised by some Labour MPs for her handling of migration and asylum issues, Mahmood has shown that she can withstand political pressure on the issue.

Miliband is replaced as Energy Secretary by Miatta Fahnbulleh, another “Starmer rebel”. In May, Fahnbulleh ‘booked her place at the cabinet table’ when she became the first minister to resign and publicly call for Starmer to step down, saying her constituents had “lost faith and confidence” in him.

Wes Streeting replaced Healey as Defence Secretary. Like Healey, Streeting played a significant role in Starmer’s downfall. His resignation as Health Secretary after Labour’s disastrous May local election results was a major blow to Starmer. In a particularly blunt resignation letter, he wrote that he had “concluded that it would be dishonourable and unprincipled” to remain in government. Streeting further strengthened his standing with Burnham by withdrawing from the leadership contest, clearing the way for Burnham’s coronation.

The appointment was also politically astute. In addition to rewarding a ‘Starmer rebel’ placing Streeting in Defence put him in a post where he is unlikely to cause problems. The Chancellor, John Healy, who in addition to controlling the purse , has the experience in Defence needed to avoid any repetition of the blow up between that department and the Treasury. Unlike Healy, Streeting has no experience in defence.

Burnham further strengthened his position by bringing two key figures from his leadership campaign, Louise Haigh and Anneliese Midgley, into Cabinet. Haigh – widely seen as Burnham’s chief power broker – became First Secretary of State and Minister for the Cabinet Office, while Midgley was appointed Chief Whip. Together they will be central to keeping the Cabinet in check for Burnham.

Other Burnham allies promoted to Cabinet include Angela Rayner, Lisa Nandy, Heidi Alexander, Lucy Powell and Alex Norris, all long-standing supporters who backed Burnham’s right to stand as a parliamentary candidate – the first step on his road to Downing Street.

As the Cabinet was being assembled, outgoing Housing Secretary Steve Reed texted Burnham: “I hope those who did not show loyalty to Keir will now show it to you.” Burnham’s selections suggest he needed no such advice. He has surrounded himself with enough political bodyguards to deal with troublemakers.

Lucky timing

Prime Minister Burnham takes office with advantages that most government leaders can only dream about. He leads a single party government with a solid overall Parliamentary majority – courtesy of the leader that he has just ousted. He has a cabinet with plenty of experience whose members are very much aligned with his thinking. While there are undoubtedly MPs in his Parliamentary Party who feel raw – particularly those recently removed from office or those who hoped for but were not tapped for promotion – signs of discontent are remarkably absent – for the moment.

Burnham has also benefited from fortunate timing. He entered office days after the Commons began its summer recess and will not face Parliament as Prime Minister until September – the longest gap between a Prime Minister’s appointment and first Commons appearance in the post-war era.

His government is also taking office as the British media, which was notably reluctant to challenge Burnham during his contest with Keir Starmer or since his coronation, enters its annual “silly season”.

This timing gives Burnham and his team valuable space to settle in and develop policy without intense scrutiny.

Another advantage is that the Government has three years before the next general election. Two electoral contests are currently underway: the election of Burnham’s successor as Mayor of Greater Manchester and the by-election triggered by Nigel Farage’s resignation from the Commons. Neither election appears likely to trouble Burnham. The Clacton by-election is not being contested by the main UK parties, allowing a Farage victory to be largely dismissed, while polling suggests Labour’s Bev Craig is on course to win in Greater Manchester.

Making the sums add up will be tough

Having enjoyed a relatively smooth path to power, Burnham now faces a tougher challenge.

Like its predecessor, the Burnham Government confronts an economy marked by weak growth, low investment, high public debt, stagnant job creation and widespread economic inactivity – Burnham has highlighted the one million young people not in education, employment or training, but that is only one of many problems.

Alongside these domestic challenges, the Government also faces significant international pressures.

Given that Burnham came to office not through a snap election but after a prolonged campaign by his supporters to replace Starmer, it is striking that more detail on how these challenges will be addressed was not provided during his first week.

Three of the “breathing space” measures promised by Burnham in his Downing Street have been announced: scrapping VAT on domestic electricity bills, capping bus fares and reducing business rates on pubs. All were presented as cost-of-living measures, but the details behind the headlines are less than impressive.

The VAT proposal is expected to save households an average of £45 a year. Any reduction in costs is welcome, but a saving of little more than €1 a week is hardly transformative. More problematic is the funding. The measure was supposed to be financed by cancelling plans for digital ID cards, only for it to emerge a day after its announcement that the ID card programme itself was not funded. The money will now have to come from spending cuts elsewhere or from the next Budget.

Questions also surround the £2 bus fare cap. The scheme applies only to England outside London and does not extend automatically to Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland. Funding is again an issue. The estimated £500 million cost of the proposal is to be met by changing UK grants for ‘international climate donations’ into repayable loans. This has been attacked as passing the bill to the global south. It could equally be criticised as ‘dodgy creative accounting – there is according to the Institute of Fiscal Studies no guarantee as to how much of the ‘loans’ or the interest on them would be paid back.

The third initiative, announced on the Cabinet’s third day in office, would reduce local business taxes on pubs, clubs and music venues. Again, the scheme applies only to England. While the Government insists it will be fully funded through savings generated by reviewing charges on businesses that do not contribute positively to local communities, it has yet to identify which businesses would be affected or how much revenue the changes would generate.

The difficulties surrounding these three modest initiatives make for an inauspicious start. The intentions may be good – but the road to political hell is paved with good intentions.

Pantomime politics

In an earlier piece, the point is made that politics is a rough game. The removal of Keir Starmer just two years after he returned Labour to power with a 166-seat majority after 14 years in opposition is testament to just how rough.

Starmer’s arrival in Downing Street was supposed to end “pantomime politics” and usher in a more stable, grown-up era. It did not. If anything, British politics has become even more performative over the past two years.

Starmer governed with integrity, but he was not a natural performer. He also made mistakes, notably appointing Peter Mandelson after he had failed security vetting – a decision that, given Starmer’s professional background, still has many scratching their heads.

There were significant achievements. During Starmer’s premiership, NHS waiting lists fell, child poverty declined and a progressive agenda on rights advanced. He helped narrow the Brexit divide between the UK and the EU and, despite frequent insults from the White House, established a workable relationship with President Trump. The problem was that neither Starmer nor his team talked much about these successes. In the TikTok era, modesty is not a political asset.

Another mistake was his failure to build alliances. When Burnham’s supporters launched their campaign to install “their man” in Number 10, Starmer lacked an equally committed attack team to keep him out.

The contrast between Starmer and Burnham could hardly be greater. Over seven years as Mayor of Greater Manchester, Burnham brought bus services back under local control, launched the Bee Network, reformed fares and gained national prominence through his clashes with Boris Johnson’s government over Covid funding and Tier 3 restrictions, which hit pubs and the hospitality sector particularly hard. These achievements while not insignificant were portrayed as totemic by Burnham’s election campaign while Starmer and his team were shy about flagging his achievements during two years as Prime Minister.

Prime Minister Burnham undoubtedly has charisma, communicates effectively and generates a media-friendly appeal. The question over the next three years – assuming he does not call an early election – is whether the sugar high that accompanied his coronation will last long enough for him to deliver even part of the promises he made to the British people last Monday.

Caption: British Prime Minister, Andy Burnham (C) with ministers during his first cabinet meeting as prime minister in 10 Downing Street, London, Britain, 21 July 2026. The UK will scrap a 5% tax on energy bills starting from October, Burnham announced, the first of several policies expected to offer households more “breathing space” with the cost of living. EPA/Chris Ratcliffe / POOL

Updated: July 27, 2026 - 05:38