Serbia’s independent media under siege: a final blow?

In a move that has sent ripples through Serbia’s media landscape, the recent management overhaul at United Group’s media outlets is being viewed by many as the final nail in the coffin for the country’s leading independent voices.

Experts suggest this could be the culmination of President Aleksandar Vučić’s long-standing strategy to reshape the editorial policies of key outlets, including N1 and Nova S television stations, the weekly Radar, dailies Danas and Nova, and their associated websites. While definitive conclusions remain premature, several indicators point to these media potentially morphing into softer, regime-friendly platforms akin to Euronews Srbija or Prva TV.

The shake-up became public last week when United Group, via its Luxembourg-based entity Adria News S.a.r.l., unveiled Adria News Network – a new company consolidating television, print, and digital media operations across Serbia, Montenegro (Vijesti), Croatia (N1), Bosnia and Herzegovina (N1), and Slovenia (N1). Launched on 19 February, this structure replaces the previous United Media framework, purporting to “bring together 14 country-leading news brands in a dedicated governance framework designed to further protect editorial freedom.”

Adria News Network emphasizes an “independent Board oversight, defined editorial leadership, and strengthened safeguards for newsroom decision-making.” The outlets will now report to a purportedly autonomous board excluding United Group’s executive directors or shareholders. Leading this board is Chairman Rani R. Raad, joined by members including Brent Sadler, Nigel Baker, Thomas Probst, Niall Martin, and Kirenga Mbonampeka. However, certain appointments have sparked alarm, signalling potential shifts in editorial direction that could dilute critical journalism and align it more closely with the ruling regime.

Raad, formerly the executive director of International Media Investments (IMI) – controlled by Abu Dhabi’s Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan – raises red flags due to Serbia’s deep political and economic ties with the United Arab Emirates, including Vučić’s personal connections to the Al Nahyan family. During Raad’s tenure at IMI, the British Media Reform Coalition accused the firm of journalistic censorship and suppressing critical coverage, labelling it a threat to media freedom in the UK.

Even more concerning for Serbia’s democratic advocates is the role of 76-year-old British journalist Brent Sadler, a veteran CNN correspondent now appointed as Chief News Executive. Tasked with overseeing editorial standards, newsroom management, and journalistic integrity across the network, Sadler co-founded Belgrade’s N1 TV but has since become a vocal critic. In recent months, he has lambasted N1 and Nova S for alleged unprofessionalism, undue owner influence, and even disseminating Russian propaganda – claims that echo Vučić’s own attacks on these outlets as tools of political opposition.

Sadler’s criticisms of prior management, particularly United Group’s Dragan Šolak, suggest political motivations were at play. His emphasis on shielding journalists from internal pressures notably omits protections from governmental interference. Questions linger about the board’s familiarity with Serbia’s fraught media environment, where independent journalists face routine harassment, and their genuine commitment to preserving editorial autonomy.

This restructuring appears to fulfill revelations from last summer, when leaked conversations exposed Vučić’s negotiations with Nikos Stathopoulos, chairman of BC Partners (United Group’s majority owner), to undermine these media. In a recorded call, United Group CEO Stan Miller assured Telekom Srbija’s Vladimir Lučić that he would diminish United Media’s influence and oust CEO Aleksandra Subotić, who had staunchly defended the outlets’ independence. Lučić confirmed Vučić had already discussed Subotić’s removal with Stathopoulos. Since then, United Group has rebuffed offers from editors for a management buyout to safeguard independence.

Subotić’s subsequent dismissal and the sidelining of United Media – “made very small,” as Miller phrased it – align with these plans. While the new board professes intentions to enhance quality, scepticism abounds. Biographies of key figures, coupled with the exclusion of minority owner Šolak from decision-making, fuel suspicions of ulterior motives.

The implications for Serbia’s premier independent media are profound. Their survival may not be in jeopardy, but their content’s integrity could be. N1 News Director Igor Božić and Nova website/Radar Director Mihailo Jovićić met with Sadler, who assured them of continuity “for now” and no immediate layoffs “at this time” – phrasing that hints at impending changes.

Vučić and his allies have framed the overhaul as a regime victory, anticipating a taming or even closure of these “disruptive” voices that have challenged his narrative of prosperity. Vučić’s gleeful remark that he “can hardly wait” for invitations to “decent shows” on N1 and Nova S – after boycotting them for 11 years, banning ministers from appearing, and branding staff as “terrorists”- underscores his expectation of a more hospitable environment.

This development underscores broader threats to media pluralism in Serbia, potentially funded indirectly through state telecom deals benefiting all citizens’ pockets. As the reorganization unfolds, the coming months will reveal whether these outlets retain their critical edge or succumb to subtle censorship, further eroding democratic discourse in the region.

Caption: A corporate visual by United Group [@UnitedGroupBV]