EditSenate breaks through the sanctions wall: what punishment the U.S. is preparing for Russia
A long-stalled Russia sanctions bill gains momentum as senators honour Graham while Trump signals a harder line on Moscow
The bill’s central idea is to impose 500% tariffs on all imports from Russia, as well as on countries that continued to buy Russian oil, oil products, natural gas and uranium
After nearly 17 months of disputes and negotiations, a U.S. sanctions bill targeting Russia is poised to become the first major sanctions law of Donald Trump’s current term aimed at the Kremlin. It is also notably tough. On 28 July 2026 the measure cleared a key procedural vote in the Senate, winning the support of 86 senators with only 12 voting against.
The process accelerated after the sudden death of one of its principal authors and the leading advocate of anti-Russian sanctions in Congress, Senator Lindsey Graham.
VIDEO: The moment Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy learns the Senate gained enough support to pass the procedural vote on the Russia sanctions/tariffs bill pic.twitter.com/2scC26tS85
— Rachel Knapp (@RachelKnappNews) July 28, 2026
To secure White House approval, the bill’s co-authors made several concessions to the Trump administration. Some amendments softened the original proposals, but other changes strengthen the legislation. If finally enacted, the law will give the United States significant new leverage to pressure Russia into ending its war against Ukraine.
What does this long-delayed bill – now named after its late author – actually contain? Who does it target? Why did some Democrats oppose it? And what could it mean for Ukraine?
The Graham Bill
The late Lindsey Graham was widely regarded as one of Ukraine’s strongest supporters in the Senate. In the final year and a half of his life he devoted considerable effort to embedding punitive sanctions against Russia in law, arguing that Moscow was merely simulating interest in peace talks.
On 1 April 2025, Graham and Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal introduced the Sanctioning Russia Act. At the time the Trump administration was still pursuing diplomatic efforts to end the war, largely by applying pressure on Kyiv.
The bill offered concrete tools to pressure Moscow for refusing genuine negotiations. Its central idea was to impose 500% tariffs on all imports from Russia, as well as on countries that continued to buy Russian oil, oil products, natural gas and uranium – in other words, secondary sanctions.
Trump himself had previously used tariff threats against major buyers of Russian energy. Last year he imposed 25% tariffs on India, one of the largest purchasers of Russian oil. The move prompted India to reduce its purchases, after which the United States lifted the tariffs in February. Later, amid the U.S.-Israel conflict with Iran, the Treasury issued temporary licences allowing India to buy Russian fuel during an energy shortage.
Reuters data showed that in December 2025 India’s Russian oil imports fell by roughly 22% to 1.38 million barrels per day, with Russia’s share of India’s total oil imports dropping to 27.4% – the lowest level in two years. This is widely viewed as evidence that such measures can restrain Russia’s trading partners and increase pressure on Moscow.
Beyond tariffs, the bill would codify existing sanctions against Russia (currently based on executive orders) into statute, making them harder for any president to quietly repeal. It would also require the president to impose full asset freezes and visa bans on Russia’s senior leadership, oligarchs, military commanders and defence-industry companies, together with tough sectoral sanctions on banking and energy. Sanctions would also cover Russia’s “shadow fleet” and any foreign entities or individuals helping Russia evade restrictions or supplying dual-use goods.
The original proposal attracted the support of 84 out of 100 senators, yet it remained stalled for more than a year.
Bargaining with the White House
Statements from Graham and other co-sponsors indicated that White House resistance was the main obstacle. Trump insisted that the final decision on new sanctions against Russia should rest with the president rather than Congress. The administration argued that the president could always impose sanctions if he judged them necessary.
For a long time Trump believed Moscow was prepared for constructive talks and repeatedly warned that additional sanctions could undermine diplomacy.
A noticeable shift in the administration’s approach became visible in early summer 2026 at the G7 summit in Évian, France. French President Emmanuel Macron said afterwards that all G7 leaders agreed Russia was showing no serious readiness for peace.
Washington then signalled a change of course. At the NATO summit in Ankara, Trump announced that the United States would grant Ukraine a licence to produce Patriot systems and publicly endorsed Ukrainian strikes on Russian oil refineries.
In late July, prominent MAGA activist and far-right blogger Laura Loomer visited Ukraine. She had previously admitted that she had been influenced by Russian propaganda but now declared her support for Kyiv. After seeing the effects of Russian strikes and interviewing President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Trump shared a clip of the interview on Truth Social. Asked about MAGA supporters who had begun backing Ukraine, Trump replied simply: “They support what I support.”
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Graham’s death also proved decisive. Two days before he died on 11 July, the senator announced from Kyiv that he had reached agreement with the White House on the bill. His colleagues subsequently treated completion of the legislation as a final tribute to him.
The revised bill
Negotiations produced several important changes. The maximum secondary tariff rate was lowered from 500% to a ceiling of 100%, with the president deciding the exact rate. The tariffs would apply only to the five largest buyers of Russian energy over the previous 12 months and the five countries that most actively helped evade oil sanctions. The president would choose the specific targets from each group.
The current top importers of Russian oil include China, India, Slovakia, Hungary and Turkey; the top gas importers include China, France, Japan, Hungary and Belgium.
Exceptions exist for gas buyers: tariffs need not be imposed if a country’s imports accounted for less than 15% of Russia’s total gas exports and the country had taken significant steps to reduce them. This mainly benefits U.S. allies that are phasing out Russian gas (all the top buyers except China). Slovakia, which appears on the oil list, does not qualify for the exception, although the president retains discretion over the rate.
The revised bill is not purely weaker than the original. Initially, sanctions were conditioned on Russia’s participation in peace negotiations. The current version makes the restrictions mandatory within 30 days of the law taking effect – no separate presidential decision is required to activate them. The package also goes well beyond tariffs.
The president may waive the measures, but only after submitting a report to Congress stating that the waiver serves U.S. national security interests. Congress can still block the waiver by passing a joint resolution of disapproval.
At Trump’s request, the bill also extends existing sanctions on Iran until 2031.
Democratic opposition
Some Democratic senators, who have generally favoured stronger support for Ukraine and pressure on Russia, voiced reservations. Ten Democratic senators voted against the procedural motion.
Critics argued that the legislation is drafted too broadly and grants the president excessive tariff authority, including against US trading partners. Senator Cory Booker of New Jersey said Trump has shown “reckless abuse of tariff powers” that harms the American economy. Senator Raphael Warnock of Georgia described additional tariff powers as “deeply concerning.”
Senator Mark Kelly of Arizona, one of the bill’s co-sponsors, said he would have preferred to keep the original 500% rate for buyers of Russian energy.
These concerns are unlikely to halt the bill in the Senate. Passage in the House of Representatives may prove more difficult. A final vote is not expected before September because of the August congressional recess.
Once the House approves the measure, it will go to the president for signature. The risk of a veto appears low: Trump has already publicly expressed support for the late Graham’s initiative.
If enacted, the law would give the United States a powerful new instrument to squeeze Russia’s war finances and signal continued bipartisan resolve in support of Ukraine.
The article in Ukrainian by EUalive’s partner European Pravda can be found here.
Caption: Screenshot of the moment Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy learns the Senate gained enough support to pass the procedural vote on the Russia sanctions/tariffs bill.
Updated: July 30, 2026 - 06:37
