EditPro-Putin narrative gains far-left exponent in Norway
New party sparks controversy with campaign against Ukraine aid with aid from businessman with Russia ties
A newly emerged far-left party in Norway is challenging the country’s pro-Ukrainian consensus with rhetoric aligned to Russian propaganda narratives, in a move that mirrors growing Kremlin-friendly political efforts across Eastern Europe.
The party’s campaign to halt military aid to Kyiv has sparked public backlash and heightened concerns over foreign influence ahead of Norway’s upcoming parliamentary elections.
On 17 May, Norway’s Constitution Day, Oslo’s trams, subways, and central station were flooded with political ads bearing the slogan: “Use our money for well-being – not to war! No 85 billion for the war in Ukraine!”
The campaign was orchestrated by the newly registered far-left political party For Peace and Justice (Partiet Fred og Rettferdighet, or FOR), which aims to redirect financial support for Ukraine toward domestic social programs.
The ads coincided with the Norwegian government’s announcement to increase its aid to Ukraine from NOK 35 billion to NOK 85 billion (approx. $7.8 billion). FOR’s message drew swift condemnation from political leaders across the spectrum, with critics accusing the party of echoing Kremlin disinformation.
“It is outrageous that hundreds of Ukrainian children who fled to Norway must see these messages,” said Matilde Tybring-Gjedde, an MP from the Conservative Party.
Oslo city councillor Gaute Bjørke of the Liberal Party went further, calling the campaign “trash.”
Although the probability that the new government will reconsider the country’s foreign policy towards Ukraine and the Russian Federation is minimal, the passage to the parliament of the openly anti-Ukrainian political force will work to destroy the current pro-Ukrainian consensus that has developed in Norway.
Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre distanced himself from FOR’s position, reaffirming that the Norwegian Parliament remains united in its support for Ukraine. “This war is also about our values and security,” he stated.
Despite planning to run the campaign until 25 May, FOR was forced to take it down early after widespread public pushback, including citizens tearing down posters. Party leader Marielle Leraand, however, called the campaign a “success,” claiming it attracted nearly 100 new members daily.
Founded only in January 2025, FOR was formed by former members of the radical-left Rødt (Red) Party, disillusioned by its belated support for arming Ukraine. Leraand, a former deputy leader of Rødt, had previously described the Ukraine war as a Western “proxy war” and questioned the unity of Ukrainians against Russia.
FOR’s platform includes withdrawing Norway from NATO and the EEA, dismantling national intelligence services, halting oil production, and radically opening borders. Its proposals closely reflect long-standing Kremlin narratives dressed in progressive language.
Although FOR claims to oppose Vladimir Putin personally, its campaign financing has raised red flags. The party received an estimated NOK 1.4 million (about €122,000) for its anti-Ukrainian advertising from Atleje Bergé.
This businessman should be described in detail, since a number of facts from his biography, as well as his statements and actions, look quite odious. The 72-year-old owner of the concrete Ølen Betong company ranks 179th in the list of the richest people in Norway with a fortune of 2.5 billion kronor (218 million euros).
In the early 2000s, Berge established a subsidiary of Ølen Betong in Russia’s Murmansk region and made multimillion-dollar investments in the country. He has described the Russian branch as entirely independent from the Norwegian parent company, although he also stated that he resided in Russia for extended periods.
Berge later sued the Norwegian state, claiming intelligence services had tried to recruit staff from his Murmansk factory. He lost the case but demanded compensation in the millions. In 2016, he was detained by Russian border officials and presented with a document banning him from the country for ten years. The businessman later described a “hard conversation” with the FSB and said he was accused of collecting information for Norway—an allegation he dismissed as a smear campaign by local competitors who had allegedly paid Russian security services to target him.
Despite the ban, Berge returned to Russia in 2023 with a new visa and work permit. Since then, he has spoken increasingly favorably about the country. His public statements have aligned more closely with Russian narratives, raising concerns among security analysts in Norway.
Berge is also under scrutiny for comments made in a Facebook group supporting Ukraine, where he allegedly called military convoys “good targets for bombing.”
Moreover, human rights activists revealed that Berge had funded a Russian orphanage suspected of housing abducted Ukrainian children from occupied territories. When confronted, Berge dismissed the concern, accusing critics of “Russophobia.”
Berge confirmed ongoing financial support for FOR, asserting that it is vital to have a party “that carries a message of peace and does not want to spend large sums of money on war and weapons.”
Analysts note that FOR’s emergence follows a broader pattern. The party bears resemblance to Germany’s Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, a far-left formation also accused of aligning with Kremlin interests. While far-right parties have traditionally been the Kremlin’s European partners, Moscow is increasingly experimenting with leftist platforms to spread its influence.
Norwegian authorities have taken note. The country’s Police Security Service (PST) has warned of possible foreign attempts to undermine democratic institutions and amplify polarization. “Russia’s goal is to erode public support for Ukraine,” said Atle Tangen, PST’s counterintelligence chief.
Prime Minister Støre has called for investigations into possible foreign ties. “It is important to remember how elections in other European countries have been targeted,” he stated.
The rise of FOR fits into a broader trend across Central and Eastern Europe, where Russia-linked or openly pro-Russian-sympathetic parties are pushing narratives against aid to Ukraine. In Slovakia, Robert Fico’s Smer party returned to power with a platform opposing arms deliveries to Kyiv. In Hungary, Viktor Orbán continues to promote a pro-Russian stance within the EU.
Romania has also seen the rise of the nationalist AUR party, which, while publicly distancing itself from Moscow, frequently spreads anti-Western and anti-NATO messaging.
In Bulgaria, the far-right Vazrazhdane party has staged repeated protests against military support for Ukraine and even sign a cooperation treaty with Putin’s party United Russia. Vazrazhdane very often using language echoing Russian disinformation in social networks.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who has maintained close ties with Moscow despite the war, routinely vetoes EU-level measures on Ukraine and sanctions against Russia, providing a powerful institutional foothold for Kremlin interests inside the European bloc. His rhetoric increasingly echoes that of Russian officials, blending calls for “peace” with condemnation of Western “warmongering,” and portraying Ukraine as a failed state manipulated by outside powers.
Caption: A FOR demonstration as pictured in the party’s website
Updated: May 30, 2025 - 11:30
