Over two centuries, Russia has used the same tools for propaganda and disinformation

“New evidence has surfaced about the recent surge of Russian propaganda. Russia’s elite travel across Europe, posing as tourists while spreading propaganda and recruiting sympathisers. Russian agents have stirred unrest in France through local media. If a temporary rift emerges between France and England, Russia’s network of 75 agencies and operatives in Thessaly, Albania, Montenegro, Serbia, and beyond would swiftly exploit it.”

This isn’t a modern news report but a passage from an 1856 issue of Gazeta de Transilvania, quoting the Morning Post on Russia’s methods of spreading propaganda across Europe. The tools were clear: Russian diplomats, steadfast as cannonballs; agents shielded by Russian embassies; and the Russian Orthodox Church, fully mobilized for propaganda. The main stage for these tensions was the Romanian Principalities (Moldova and Wallachia), where Russia deployed its most skilled emissaries to bribe influential figures.

Nothing new under the sun.

For over two centuries, Russia has used the same tactics with consistent results: a portion of the population, including in Romania, falls for Russian propaganda, becoming unwitting agents for a state that seeks not just to influence but to control local politics and decisions.

Exploring the archives reveals how the term “propaganda” has evolved in Romanian newspapers over the past two centuries. A recurring theme ties it to Russia – and not without reason. Russian propaganda has adapted to Russia’s own transformations: from unifying Orthodoxy (panslavism didn’t work in the Romanian lands) to socialist, Bolshevik, and even anarchist propaganda, then to Soviet communism, and now to a covert, unacknowledged form rooted in nostalgia, egocentrism, and cynicism.

Historically, Orthodoxy and communist propaganda aimed to lure Romanian peasants and workers – the primary targets – toward a “Christian” or communist paradise, offering an inspirational narrative to draw them into Russia’s suffocating embrace. Today’s propaganda taps different chords: fear of war, nostalgia for an idealised past that never existed, a sense of injustice from neighbors, and a cynicism drawn from the darkest corners of the Russian psyche.

The goal of Russian propaganda has also evolved. Its modern aim is simple: to make you believe in nothing, hope for nothing from your country, and blur the line between truth and fiction, fueling outrage at every flaw in your democracy. The result? You surrender without a fight, becoming an unwitting amplifier of Russian influence, poisoning society.

This relentless bombardment across all channels seeks to dismantle Europe’s open, liberal civilization, replacing it with a patchwork of powerless, feuding nation-states, skillfully divided by an impoverished but militarised Russia. The ultimate prize isn’t control over Europe but ensuring the Russian people never again dream of the West as an inspiring alternative to their eternal autocracy. To achieve this, Putin’s regime must drag Western societies down to Russia’s level, knowing it can never elevate Russia to match its rivals.

Despite Russia’s perpetual fragility, its propaganda investments yield disproportionate results. Post-World War II communist dictators in Soviet-occupied countries learned this lesson well, and the effects linger in Romania’s high percentage of communist nostalgics – many of whom never lived under Ceaușescu or his predecessor, Gheorghe Georgiu-Dej.

Why facts alone fail against Russian propaganda

Democratic politicians often mistakenly believe facts and statistics can counter propaganda. This is a fallacy. Propaganda sells emotion and stories, not facts or data. Fact-checking only helps those already sceptical of false narratives, offering them arguments for personal reassurance, not for persuading those who eagerly swallow Russian-spun tales.

You can’t combat societal feelings of injustice – real to an extent but inflamed to hysteria by Russian agents – with austerity measures or responsible public spending. Such anti-populist policies make governments vulnerable, especially when they shy away from communication.

To counter this wave of hysteria and hatred, governments must communicate—not with lies, like those of Romanian Minister Grindeanu, who claimed programs like Anghel Saligny meet European standards despite evidence of wasteful, absurd projects in past and present initiatives. Such blatant mismanagement – bike lanes in the middle of nowhere, shoddy asphalt, sewage systems favoring officials’ villas, or cultural centers renovated for millions yet left unused – has discredited the EU’s unifying vision in Romania. How can people believe in Europe’s benefits when local investments often mask corruption?

How to fight back

Combatting this madness requires total transparency, starting from top decision-makers and cascading down. Transparency must reach journalists who can analyze and explain public data, as well as the broader public. Press conferences and statements are insufficient; leaders must directly engage people, as Russia’s propagandists already do. This communication must go beyond dry figures to inspire.

Here lies the core problem of European and Romanian democracy: democratic politicians, unlike the populists who ruin nations, lack the ability to dream. They focus on cutting budgets, optimising spreadsheets, and demanding sacrifices for a vague societal good. Their lack of inspiration kills not only democracy but the nation’s future.

Do democratic politicians dream of electric sheep?

The absence of a shared vision in European democracy, including Romania’s, leaves a void that populists fill with nostalgia and Russian-aligned narratives. What does Bucharest Mayor Nicușor Dan dream of? His rhetoric suggests electric sheep. What about Ilie Bolojan? A Romania with perfect accounting isn’t an inspiring vision, even for accountants.

Populists inspire through foolish nostalgia, trapping people in a stagnant, idealized past that never existed. But what inspires the average person when democratic leaders offer only terms like “sustainability” or “efficiency”? These don’t move rural or small-town Romanians who feel abandoned – because they are.

Beyond economic advisors aiming to streamline Romania, the government needs visionaries who can craft a credible story of the nation’s future. This isn’t malicious propaganda but a narrative to inspire collective progress, not a divisive past. Russia excels at hypnotizing people to look backward, offering nothing compelling for the future. Herein lies our opportunity.

Escaping Russia’s malign influence, which has ensnared even more advanced democracies, requires a vision of a just, equitable society with tangible anchors. This means leaders must prioritize not just financial performance but a credible, inclusive national project, built interactively with communities, civic organizations, and the public, using media as a facilitator, not a mouthpiece.

Do Romania’s leaders have this on their radar? I hope so, or we risk sliding into a new, darker era of nationalist populism. As Gazeta de Transilvania warned in 1856 about Russian schemes, we must not forget the occupations of 1849, 1853, or 1944–1958, nor the communist satraps until 1989. The window to act is closing fast – let’s not get trapped inside.

Adrian Mihălțianu is the Publisher of PressOne.ro, a partner media of EUalive

Caption: A 1856 issue of Gazeta de Transilvania, quoting the Morning Post on Russia’s methods of spreading propaganda across Europe