EditOrbán’s meeting with Putin upended the plan to revive the Visegrád format
Hungarian PM’s talks with Putin led Warsaw to cancel a bilateral meeting, reaffirming that for the mainstream Polish right, any flirtation with Moscow is unacceptable
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s latest visit to Russian President Vladimir Putin has prompted a sharp reaction in Warsaw, where Polish President Karol Nawrocky cancelled a planned bilateral meeting with the Hungarian leader. The development marks a new downturn in relations between the two traditionally aligned governments, says analysis by Stanislav Zhelikhovsky for European Pravda.
The Orbán-Putin talks, focused on Russian oil and gas supplies to Hungary and the war in Ukraine, generated no major policy shifts. However, the timing of the meeting proved politically sensitive for Poland’s new president, who has been the target of repeated hybrid actions from Moscow and was placed on a Russian wanted list in 2024 for overseeing the removal of Soviet-era monuments.
According to Nawrocky’s office, holding talks with Orbán so soon after his Kremlin trip would have undermined Poland’s long-standing stance on European security. The Polish president will still attend the 3 December Visegrád Group summit in Esztergom, but without a bilateral segment, which is a symbolic yet deliberate signal that regional cooperation continues, while trust in Budapest does not.
Hungarian pro-government media reacted sharply, calling the Polish decision disrespectful and a sign of deepening estrangement.
A partnership years in the making, now derailed
Until recently, a revived Polish-Hungarian partnership within the EU seemed plausible. Despite diverging views on Russia, Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS) party and Orbán’s Fidesz had long coordinated on limiting Brussels’ influence and promoting a conservative, sovereigntist agenda in Central Europe.
Orbán had openly sought to build an alternative regional power center with Poland as a pivotal partner, while PiS repeatedly highlighted their shared resistance to what they described as the “Brussels dictatorship”. The PiS defeat in Poland’s 2023 elections widened the gap further. Donald Tusk’s government distanced itself sharply from Budapest, rendering the old alliance obsolete. Still, Orbán continued to look for ways to revive the relationship.
Nawrocky’s presidential victory raised Budapest’s hopes. Formally aligned with PiS and sympathetic to parts of the radical right, Nawrocky appeared to offer a potential bridge back to Warsaw. This impression grew when former PiS figures charged in Poland – Zbigniew Ziobro and Marcin Romanowski – sought political refuge in Hungary.
Orbán also saw an opportunity to re-energise the Visegrád Group as a counterweight to Brussels and to influence decisions such as Ukraine’s EU accession. The Visegrád presidential summit scheduled for 3 December in Esztergom was meant to showcase this revival. But Orbán’s meeting with Putin upended the plan.
Despite his conservative worldview, Nawrocky has no pro-Russian leanings. A bilateral meeting with Orbán directly after the Kremlin visit would have been politically toxic. Tusk seized on the optics, saying: “Orbán visits Putin, Nawrocky visits Orbán… A fatal combination.”
Nawrocy’s office made the cancellation unusually clear: Poland stands by the legacy of Lech Kaczyński, the principle of European solidarity in times of security threats, while Orbán’s Kremlin visit undermined this foundation.
Backlash from Poland’s far right
Domestically, Nawrocky’s decision was criticised by his right-wing allies in the Confederation party. For them, refusing to meet Orbán – an ideological compatriot – was at best a mistake driven by “propaganda hysteria”.
Confederation leader Sławomir Mentzen argued that other global leaders, including Trump, Xi Jinping and Modi, have also met with Putin: “Will we boycott them all now?” he asked, stressing that Poland shares important interests with Hungary.
Confederation MEP Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik echoed this line, saying Poland should not yield to “Tusk’s hysteria” or allow criticism of Ukraine policy to be equated with being “Russian agents”.
This rhetoric aligns with the party’s long-standing stance: hostility toward the EU, accusations of excessive Polish support for Ukraine, and openness to pragmatic engagement with Moscow.
For PiS, however, Nawrocky’s move was “responsible state policy”, as deputy Szymon Szynkowski vel Sęk put it. PiS sees the president’s stance as a chance for him to demonstrate independence — and as a political blow to Confederation ahead of future coalition considerations.
A strategic gift for Tusk’s government
The broader right-wing conflict benefits Poland’s ruling coalition. Tusk and ministers like Radosław Sikorski supported the cancellation while highlighting the constitutional reality: foreign policy is determined by the government.
Sikorski also used the moment to taunt PiS, suggesting that if Nawrocky is shortening his Hungary trip, PiS politicians “hiding” in Budapest should perhaps do the same.
Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha praised Nawrocky’s decision as a “strong signal” of European unity.
Nawrocky’s refusal to meet Orbán has simultaneously opened fissures within Poland’s conservative bloc and underscored the ideological distance between Warsaw and Budapest.
Most importantly, it reaffirmed a crucial red line: for the mainstream Polish right, any flirtation with Moscow remains unacceptable. Those advocating a different course now find themselves in the clear minority, both politically and morally.
The original article in Ukrainian can be found here.
Caption: Russian President Vladimir Putin (L) welcomes Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban during a meeting at the Kremlin in Moscow, Russia, 28 November 2025. EPA/ALEXANDER NEMENOV / POOL
Updated: December 3, 2025 - 07:40
