EditOpinion: For a new Albania
What began as anger over access to beaches and the protection of environment turned into the question of who should decide, and how, about the country’s future
Our homeland needs a shake-up and the dismantling of the partnership between politics, oligarchy, the media, and organised crime, writes Ditmir Bushati.
Ditmir Bushati is a former minister of foreign affairs. He was fired by PM Edi Rama in 2019.
The unprecedented protests in Albania – and in several cities around the world where Albanians live – can be described as “protests of dignity.” To paraphrase the French philosopher Pierre Lévy, Tirana is presenting itself to the world as an “intelligent city,” where people do not gather around a political party or a power that does not represent them, but around shared values and concerns that transcend political convictions, in search of a new Albania.
What began as anger over access to land and beaches and the protection of our shared natural heritage soon turned into something larger that touches the very essence of democracy: the question of who should decide, and how, about Albania’s future. The protests show that the politics of the future is better understood by those currently outside formal politics.
Throughout the years of transition, we have seen the country’s most precious assets handed over from above to a handful of people, while ordinary citizens and local communities are merely “informed” once the fences go up and the cement mixers arrive.
Tirana and the Adriatic–Ionian coastline present the most glaring and exclusionary image of the country’s so-called development model – one that has nothing to do with the European model of social cohesion or respect for our shared heritage.
The unlimited domination of public goods has deepened the contradiction between the opportunities created by the market economy and their appropriation by a small possessing class that holds both economic and political power. Society today is more divided than ever between those who accumulate wealth and power and those who fight every day merely to live with dignity – or simply to survive.
This is not a natural development of capitalism, but the result of a calcified partnership between politics, oligarchy, the media, and organized crime.
The flamingos have become a symbol of accumulated anger at the treatment of the homeland as plunder, rather than a protest against the country’s development. It is a protest against a merciless model built at the expense of past and future generations – consuming the contributions of the former and destroying the heritage of the latter.
That is why genuine political reflection and action are needed – above all, from the Socialist Party.
Denying reality, mocking the protesters, quibbling over their numbers, chasing conspiracy theories, or blaming neighbors and prestigious international media – all while sidestepping the core of the popular anger flooding the streets — is playing with fire and puts Albania’s future at risk.
Thirteen years ago, as we closed the 2013 election campaign in Shkodër, Edi Rama and the Socialist Party pledged to Albanians that they would end the corrosive phenomena of the transition, bringing to life the words of Father Gjergj Fishta: “To rule a state, cunning, deceit, intrigue, swindling, lies and betrayal are not enough. Honor, knowledge, wisdom and manliness are needed. That is what it takes!”
On the basis of this simple but powerful pledge, we asked Albanians for their trust to govern, not to rule. We pledged that we would be a party of ideas and ideals, not of power as an end in itself; that we would work for social justice and the rule of law and represent the interests of the majority; and that we would be measured against the expectations of citizens rather than the weaknesses of our opponents. We promised a party and a government distinguished by vision, pluralism of ideas and personalities – not one that suffocates political thought, narrative, and action.
The protests of recent days are the clearest mirror showing that we have not remained faithful to those principles and pledges. The initial censorship in the national media, with the protests broadcast only on News 24 and social networks (and later by prestigious international outlets), brought to mind the difficult days of 1990 and the tragic events of 1996–1997, when we could learn what was happening in Albania only through the Voice of America, the BBC, and Koha Jonë [one of Albania’s oldest and most historic independent daily newspapers].
That is why it is essential to emerge from this state of denial, to apologize for our mistakes, and to reflect on what must be done so that we do not lose the very reason for our existence – the undeniable legacy and contribution of the Socialist Party since its founding.
Power as an end in itself
Political parties fail not only when they lose elections, but also when they disregard the democratic rules of the game, concentrate power excessively, and identify themselves with the state.
Electoral victories are a blessing for any political force when accompanied by the democratisation of that force and of society. But a long stay in power and the personalisation of authority create the illusion that the model works, that accountability and corrections are unnecessary, that political personalities can be replaced by cardboard loyalty, and that activists and citizens will believe indefinitely – so long as the political opponent remains weak.
This is precisely where the slide begins.
One of the most dangerous transformations in political life is not merely the capture of the state by a party, a leader, or oligarchs. It is something more subtle: the moment when the state begins to adopt their logic and they adopt the logic of the state. At first, this seems harmless. The boundaries between the interest of the state and that of power blur. What appears as stability turns into domination. Power comes to be regarded as the natural order of things.
National media steps outside its mission and is treated as a lever of power. The goal is not to persuade people of the truth, but to produce weariness and cynicism, exhaust critical thinking, and create a sense of powerlessness.
Energies are concentrated on sidelining and excluding those who think differently. Power becomes an end in itself at the expense of governance quality. Corruption erodes every sphere of decision-making. Democracy, pluralism, and the rule of law in the economy are undermined.
The axis of programmatic values and ideals around which people once gathered within the party is replaced by former opponents and opportunists who today represent power more than they represent socialists. The whole thing resembles a market transaction rather than democratic logic.
This is precisely the trap before us.
We Albanians have never suffered from a lack of powerful leaders, but from a lack of wise and patriotic statesmen willing to sacrifice power for the state – leaders who do not perform diplomatic pirouettes to survive politically at the risk of national security.
The golden moments of our history are tied to collective efforts to submit to the rules of democracy. Democracy is not built on the idea of permanent power, but on the idea of limiting power at all levels. When power is personalized to the extreme, the greatest temptation is not merely to abuse it, but to normalize everything: to equate the leader with the state, to treat criticism of power as criticism of the country, to view expressing dissent as an obstacle rather than a contribution, and to demand that every segment of society function in harmony with – and in the service of – power.
None of these processes happen overnight. That is precisely why they are hard to identify in time. They do not appear as spectacular deviations but as practical solutions wrapped in aesthetic appeal. Nevertheless, world experience shows that the result is inevitably the same: society begins to organize itself around the needs of power, rather than power around the needs of society.
At this point, the misuse of power ceases to be a series of individual cases and becomes a symptom of a larger systemic problem. It arises not because vicious people suddenly appear, but because the political mechanisms meant to restrain it have been dismantled. Alignment is valued more than integrity. Holding political responsibility and guaranteeing the integrity of public office are treated as heresy. The players change. The people are entertained through judicial processes that resemble Netflix episodes. Meanwhile, the old habits continue undisturbed.
To break free from this condition, it is essential to secure the separation of the state from power. It is also important to rediscover the forgotten word “we” – in decision-making as well as in the distribution of wealth and political power for the benefit of the people.
The lesser evil, and not the better alternative
In 2005, Edi Rama warned that the Socialist Party had erred by measuring itself against the weaknesses of its opponent rather than against the expectations of citizens. It was a valuable lesson then. It is an even more valuable one today.
A serious party must confront the hardest question of all: Are we improving people’s lives as much as they expect?
Since 2019, when the opposition entered a self-destructive spiral, those in power adopted the logic of the political market – co-opting yesterday’s opponents and promoting them to positions of authority. For a long time now, genuine socialists have been sidelined from real decision-making.
The gap between socialists and those in power is greater than ever. Within the party there is no programmatic debate, no accountability for the costs imposed on the country, no genuine elections or consultations – only scripted events with tightly controlled direction.
The reaction of socialists at the ceremony marking the passing of Fatos Nano [a prominent Albanian socialist politician and a central figure in Albania’s post-communist transition, 1952-2025] was not only an expression of respect for a period of democratic and competitive spirit in the party – one that brought the country political balance and social peace at critical moments – but also an expression of frustration with the current state of affairs.
Within the Socialist Party, the freedom to be heard has been lost. Because internal democracy is not merely the right to speak – it is the right to be heard.
Parties that hear only applause lose the ability to understand reality. Political parties were not created to hold power, but to change society through a governing vision. When this relationship is inverted – when the greatest energy is invested in preserving power rather than in producing and realising ideas – a party may look organisationally strong because of its identification with the state, but it is politically weak.
This is why, for a long time, we have lacked convincing answers to the backsliding in democratic standards; to the middle class that has felt the pressure of dirty money in the economy for years; to inequality and social exclusion; to the impact of technology on democracy and the labour market; to the fair relationship between labour and capital; to the relationship between centre and periphery; to an economy stuck in an outdated productive model; to workers and small and medium-sized entrepreneurs fighting daily to survive; to housing, now a distant dream for most Albanian families; and to speculation in prices and rents that prevents young couples from having homes, raising children, and living with dignity – all at a time when the abandonment of the country poses a serious demographic threat.
That is why the great social challenge today is not only economic growth through construction and tourism, but the guarantee of a life with dignity, free from the constant pressure of survival.
The need for democratic renewal
Albania needs a democratic renewal – as a response to disappointment, anger, the corruption of headless national and social projects, injustice, inequality, and the crisis of democracy itself.
The battle for the country’s democratic renewal has never been easy, nor is it the effort of a single person. On the contrary, it is a daily collective battle that requires strategy, concentration of forces, ethics, ideas, and courage.
Albania needs a democratic plan that secures the separation of the state from power, equal rules of the game, and strong democratic institutions. The best guarantee of this is the vigilance and engagement of citizens.
Albania needs a left with a new vision – bold and attuned to the needs of society. A left that embraces a new patriotism, inseparably linked to social justice. A patriotism that defends and promotes democracy in every sphere; that sets limits on oligarchy and protects the public interest; and that places at its heart the security of citizens, their rights, equal opportunities, solidarity, and social cohesion.
Our homeland needs a shake-up and the dismantling of the partnership between politics, oligarchy, the media, and organised crime.
Our political system needs a new era that enables the renewal of elites, genuine representation of the people in decision-making, and preventive mechanisms against the concentration of political and economic power.
Our economy needs a national reconstruction plan aimed at fair and sustainable development.
Our productive model requires a radical reorientation….A left that would earn its place in history by changing people’s lives. If this mission is forgotten, we will lose something far more important: the reason why we exist. The challenge is not to hold on to power, but to deserve trust. Every day. From scratch.
This text has been edited for style and clarity. The original with EUalive’s partner Albanian Daily News can be found here.
Caption: Members of the Albanian community and “Flamingo Revolution” supporters protest against a proposed coastal resort project linked to Jared Kushner, son-in-law of US President Donald Trump, in Milan, Italy, 6 June 2026. The development faces public backlash over land ownership and environmental threats to a formerly protected ecosystem in Albania, inhabited by flamingos, migratory birds, Mediterranean monk seals, and nesting sea turtles. EPA/PAOLO SALMOIRAGO
Updated: June 13, 2026 - 07:10
