Mission impossible: President and Prime Minister have 24 months to save Romania from itself

A farmer affected by the Praid municipality disaster summarised the situation on the banks of the Târnava Mică River: “They checked for what purpose we use our water because theft never stops in Romania. That’s why the country is in this mess. Everyone steals.”

This came after authorities pumped saltwater into rivers that tens of thousands of people relied on for drinking water, livestock, and irrigation.

Over twenty settlements in the Mureș region were affected by drinking water contamination following flooding at the Praid salt mine earlier this month.

State inspections followed reports that people were using water brought by firefighters, intended for livestock, to irrigate gardens nearly destroyed by drought.

For 20 years, National Salt Society- Salrom faced no oversight. The state collected millions of euros in profits annually without reinvesting. Now, small farmers are scrutinised for using a few dozen liters of water to save their drought-stricken gardens, while major culprits go unpunished. The state often ignores large-scale theft but cracks down on petty infractions.

How do you explain to this farmer the exorbitant pensions – thousands of euros, for magistrates who worked only 25–30 years? How do you justify asking a small entrepreneur, now reliant on state aid for drinking water, to tighten their belt while political parties pocket tens of millions of euros with little accountability? How can you penalize someone for watering their scorched garden with costly water when none of Salrom’s leaders have faced consequences for the disaster they caused?

This farmer, standing by the Târnava Mică poisoned by the state, encapsulates the immense challenge facing The President Nicușor Dan and Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan: convincing not only hundreds of politicians accustomed to theft as a lifestyle but also millions of Romanians who resort to petty theft to survive.

How do you achieve this in a country where theft is pervasive? How do you uphold social justice when magistrates – those tasked with delivering it – form a privileged elite, debating the prime minister over retiring at 52 instead of 48, as Bolojan suggests?

(Reforms, announced by the Bolojan government in July 2025, target the controversial practice of magistrates retiring as early as age 48 with substantial pensions, averaging €5,000 monthly, which the Prime Minister has called unsustainable and unique globally.)

How do you rebuild trust with a population that has voted for PSD and populists for 35 years yet expects others to bear the blame for populism? And how do you counter an angry populace rejecting the very European funds and values that could sustain Romania’s future?

I’m not an economist, so I won’t delve into the intricacies of public policy debated recently. However, the focus on injustices by public officials (small and large) and private entities (especially foreign companies exporting profits) overshadows the parties’ mafia-like networks, particularly the National Local Development Program (PNDL) program. This initiative feeds thousands of mayors and local barons who have shaped these parties for 30 years. It’s no surprise Social Democratic Party fiercely defends its interests whenever budget “investments” are threatened.

Over the past decade, local authorities spent €8.45 billion through PNDL on roads, bridges, schools, clinics, water supplies, sewers, and public lighting—vital for national cohesion.

The PNDL’s successor, Anghel Saligny, is set to spend €13 billion between 2021 and 2028. Already, €3.45 billion (26.5%) has been spent. In 2025 alone, over €2.6 billion was allocated for Anghel Saligny, PNDL arrears, and National Investment Company programs.

The issue? Much of this spending lacks transparency, and many projects are shortsighted, driven by political whims. For instance, €2.5 billion is allocated to gas network expansion, despite smarter investments in electricity grids that could lower costs for prosumers and green the energy system. Funds have gone to poorly built roads, deserted cultural centers, and failed revitalization efforts in depopulated areas.

By contrast, Romania’s absorption of European cohesion funds – €44.4 billion allocated for 2021–2027 – stands at just 15.18%. These funds could lift rural and small urban areas out of poverty, yet Social Democratic Party (PSD), National Liberal Party (PNL) and Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR) leaders often avoid them, perhaps because they’re harder to misappropriate.

With only two years left to absorb these funds, the next EU budget cycle will shift priorities. Meanwhile, millions of Romanians are left with substandard, poorly planned investments funded by expensive foreign loans.

A significant portion of the budget deficit stems from these discretionary, often unmonitored allocations to client companies. The stakes were so high that President Klaus Iohannis ignored the 2020 vote, prioritising PSD, PNL and UDMR access to billions over state reform aligned with European standards.

It’s disheartening that we’re pitted against each other, private versus public sector, while distractions like historical debates or school scholarship efficiency dominate. Yet, the budget deficit, a major source of corruption, is barely addressed in government measures.

I understand Ilie Bolojan must tread carefully to maintain his government’s stability, but the absence of scrutiny on the Anghel Saligny program – a key driver of economic instability, is concerning.

Romania could significantly reduce its deficit by redirecting uncontracted Anghel Saligny funds – €4 billion of the €13 billion remains unspent—to co-finance European projects. A review of contracted but unstarted projects could free up another €2 billion. These €6 billion could attract €40 billion in European funds, nearly matching the unabsorbed amount from the current budget cycle.

Absorbing European funds is challenging – many regional countries have even lower rates. Yet, others have successfully drawn more. European bureaucracy, though daunting, curbs corruption, and mastering it builds expertise for faster fund absorption.

The multiplier effect of co-financing European projects is critical for resolving the crisis. It could unlock tens of billions, addressing Romania’s absorption struggles.

I hope Nicușor Dan and Ilie Bolojan increasingly focus on these pivotal programs to pull Romania from despair, which fuels extremism. Rural and small-town poverty directly correlates with votes for anti-European extremists.

The difference is stark: a prosperous Romania aligned with Europe or a repeat of Greece’s collapse under deficits and lost trust.

It seems an impossible mission, but so did winning the elections three months ago. With determination, miracles may still happen in Romania.

Adrian Mihălțianu is the Chief Editor of PressOne.ro, an EUlive partner media

Caption: Romania’s new Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan (L) shakes hands with Romanian President Nicusor Dan after taking the oath of office during a swearing-in ceremony held at the Presidential Palace in Bucharest, Romania, 23 June 2025. EPA/ROBERT GHEMENT