EditDid a controlled leak to the NYT serve Putin’s peace trap?
A conveniently timed profile of Dmitry Kozak as a sidelined reformist is a move to lure the West, according to a Kremlin connoisseur
Ilian Vassilev, a former Bulgarian ambassdor to Moscow, signalled that even a respected media like The New York Times could have fallen into the trap of Russian narrative aimed at impacting ahead of the Trump-Putin summit in Alaska. Below is an adapted version of his article.
Ilian Vassilev is a former Bulgarian ambassador to Moscow, now a media publisher and commentator. His website Alternativata is a content partner of EUalive.
On 10 August The New York Times published what appeared to be a rare glimpse into dissent inside the Kremlin.
The story portrayed Dmitry Kozak – a long-time ally of Vladimir Putin as a marginalised figure who had opposed the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, warned of its folly, and later proposed sweeping reforms: curbing the siloviki’s power and creating an independent judiciary. (In the Kremlin context, “siloviki” refers to a powerful group of Russian political and military elites from security and intelligence backgrounds, known for their hardline stance against the West.)
Anonymous sources “close to the Kremlin”, Western contacts, and a U.S. official claimed that in 2023 Kozak presented a plan to halt hostilities and open peace talks, only to see his responsibilities shifted to Sergei Kiriyenko, a loyal supporter of the war and organiser of sham referendums in occupied Ukraine.
The leak surfaced just days before Putin’s 15 August summit with Donald Trump in Alaska where Moscow has floated a “peace” proposal requiring Ukraine to cede all of Donbas, an offer already rejected by Kyiv and European leaders as illegal and unacceptable. This is no coincidence. The narrative of an embattled, reform-minded Kozak is designed to give Trump and the West the impression that a deal with Russia is within reach if only they bypass Ukraine.
The myth of Kozak the rebel
For those familiar with Kremlin politics, the idea that Kozak would champion reforms without Putin’s blessing is implausible. Kozak is a consummate insider, central to key operations from the 2014 annexation of Crimea to the Minsk negotiations of 2021-2022. He has managed Moscow’s interests in Moldova, the Southern Federal District, and other sensitive post-Soviet regions, and today heads the Kremlin’s directorate overseeing psychological and information operations abroad.
Putin has no tolerance for genuine disloyalty in wartime. Figures like Yevgeny Prigozhin, who crossed that line in 2023, were swiftly eliminated – literally or politically. Kozak’s supposed “criticism”, confined to private settings, has not cost him his post or access to the president. That alone signals it is theatre, not rebellion.
A tested manipulation tactic
The Kremlin has a long history of presenting “moderate” or “liberal” figures to the West as potential agents of change. Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency (2008-2012) was packaged in exactly this way, with promises of modernisation and reform that evaporated once Putin consolidated power. The Kozak story fits the same mould, much like how the Prigozhin mutiny was used to stage an image of vulnerability before reinforcing the regime’s strength.
The bait is familiar: signal that the war is limited, that Russia will not target the West, and that a quick settlement is possible. This was tested in 2008 during the war with Georgia, again in 2014 after Crimea, and throughout the Minsk process – periods used by Moscow to regroup and prepare for the next escalation. Now, with Trump eager for high-profile deals, a Kozak-fronted “peace track” could tempt Washington into accepting Ukrainian territorial losses.
Leaks don’t escape the Kremlin
In Russia’s tightly controlled information environment, sensitive leaks either have top-level approval or they never see daylight. The NYT’s sources – three people close to the Kremlin, a Western contact, and a U.S. official, are all unnamed, a perfect setup for manipulation. Whether commissioned by Kozak’s circle or orchestrated directly by Putin’s team, the purpose is the same: to plant a narrative in a trusted Western outlet that amplifies Russia’s message.
The Kremlin’s use of such tactics is well documented. After the March 2024 Moscow Mall terrorist attack, it swiftly pushed false claims blaming Ukraine, diverting attention from the actual perpetrators. In 2023, purported leaks about Kremlin infighting turned out to be part of a broader disinformation campaign. Kozak’s “private” dissent now plays the same role: plausible enough to seduce the hopeful, but never threatening to Putin’s control.
The West’s recurring blind spot
The deeper problem is not the leak itself, but the readiness of Western policymakers, especially in the U.S., to treat such controlled signals as authentic. Underestimating Russia’s “active measures”, honed by decades of KGB tradecraft, has led to repeated strategic blunders: the Obama-era “reset”, misplaced faith in Minsk, and the failure to deter the 2022 invasion.
With Trump back in the White House, the danger is that his advisers will see Kozak as a bridge to Putin and a shortcut to peace. In reality, Kozak remains firmly inside the system, his proximity to Putin proof that he is part of the plan, not an obstacle to it.
The Kozak narrative is a classic hybrid-warfare instrument – engineered to fracture allied unity, sideline Ukraine, and position Putin as a partner willing to compromise. But the compromise he offers is one-sided: recognition of Russia’s territorial gains, reduced Western support for Kyiv, and time for Moscow to regroup.
As Alaska approaches, the lesson is clear: the Kremlin does not change through its “moderates”, only through sustained resistance. If Washington takes the bait, the price will be paid not just by Ukraine, but by Europe’s security as a whole. The West has been here before; it cannot afford to repeat the mistake.
The original of this analysis in English can be found here.
Disclaimer: EUalive doesn’t necessarily share the opinion of the guest authors and is open to publishing other views on the same topic.
Caption: Vladimir Putin during a working meeting with Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Kozak. 22 October 2018. Kremlin Press Service
Updated: August 12, 2025 - 11:50
