EditAnalysis: U.S. pressure forced out Bosnia’s High Representative Christian Schmidt
Washington is only interested in business ventures that could generate financial benefits for individuals close to the American president
Christian Schmidt, the international community’s High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, announced on 10 May that he would resign after five years in office. Although he described the decision as entirely personal, diplomatic sources indicate it stemmed directly from his confrontation with the Trump administration.
Christian Schmidt resigns as High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Schmidt’s firm stance on the Southern Gas Interconnection project – in which a company linked to Trump associates holds a major interest – turned Washington against him. The United States now seeks a more cooperative figure in the post. Meanwhile, authorities in Republika Srpska, led by Milorad Dodik, are openly celebrating Schmidt’s departure as their own political victory.
Schmidt, the eighth High Representative since the Dayton Agreement, had long been expected to leave this year, with many anticipating his exit in November after the October general elections. His resignation nevertheless came as a surprise. For months, political circles and media in Bosnia and Herzegovina had speculated about his departure, yet the timing still caught observers off guard and undermined his claim that the move was purely personal and difficult to accept.
According to BETA’s sources in diplomatic circles in Sarajevo, Schmidt’s resignation was forced by pressure from the Trump administration. The central issue was his refusal to lift the ban on the disposal of state property or to impose new legislation regulating the matter. Washington is eager to advance the Southern Gas Interconnection project, a significant portion of which crosses state-owned land in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Bosnia and Herzegovina remains bound by the Law on the Prohibition of Disposal of State Property, imposed in 2005 by then-High Representative Paddy Ashdown. This law has complicated and delayed not only the Southern Gas Interconnection – backed by American investors – but also several other projects of interest to U.S. entrepreneurs.
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Citing unnamed diplomatic sources, the Sarajevo-based portal Istraga reported that Washington had threatened to blacklist Schmidt unless he resolved the state property issue in line with American demands.
The Southern Gas Interconnection project has been awarded to the American company AAFS Infrastructure and Energy, which was established only last November. The company has no prior experience in similar undertakings. Media reports link it to Joseph Flynn, brother of Michael Flynn – Dodik’s lobbyist and former U.S. national security adviser in Trump’s first term – and to Jesse Binnall, who represented Trump as a lawyer in challenges to the 2020 presidential election results.
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The European Union has openly objected to the non-transparent manner in which the company was selected. While the EU supports the pipeline itself as a means to reduce Bosnia and Herzegovina’s dependence on Russian gas, it criticises the failure to follow transparent procedures or public procurement rules. In drafting related energy legislation, Bosnia failed to comply with EU regulations and obligations under the Energy Community Treaty.
Dodik’s earlier insistence that the Southern Interconnection could proceed only alongside the planned Eastern Interconnection – linking Serbia and Republika Srpska – has now been abandoned. Ministers from Dodik’s Alliance of Independent Social Democrats in the Council of Ministers approved the Southern Interconnection through an expedited procedure, without attaching any conditions.
Analysts view this development as part of a prior agreement with the Trump administration on the “de-escalation of the crisis” in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That understanding led to the lifting of U.S. sanctions on senior Republika Srpska officials and connected companies.
With Schmidt’s departure confirmed, attention has turned to the future of the Office of the High Representative, the appointment process for a successor, and who might replace him. Schmidt has stated he will remain in office until a successor is selected. According to EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas, this should occur in June at the next session of the Steering Board of the Peace Implementation Council.
At this week’s United Nations Security Council session on Bosnia and Herzegovina, representatives of Western countries, including the United States and the United Kingdom, confirmed that a new high representative would soon be chosen. In practice, the appointment will be made by the Peace Implementation Council, as was the case with Schmidt, rather than confirmed by the UN Security Council. Russia and China have long insisted on Security Council approval and continue to call for the closure of the Office of the High Representative.
During the Council debate, Tammy Bruce, deputy to the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, declared that the era of international interventionism and tutelage in Bosnia and Herzegovina is nearing its end. She stated that the next high representative should focus on transferring governing authority to domestic elected politicians and that both domestic and international consensus would be required on the choice of candidate.
Bruce added that the Office of the High Representative “was never intended to be a permanent mission,” that the next holder would have “limited powers,” and that the position itself would soon become unnecessary. She emphasized the pursuit of “pragmatic solutions through agreement, rather than dictate.” Washington will evaluate candidates based on “trust and impartiality” and is prepared to put forward its own if necessary.
BETA’s diplomatic sources in Sarajevo note that the Trump administration has no intention of supporting the breakup of Bosnia and Herzegovina or Dodik’s secessionist ambitions. However, Washington is also unlikely to devote greater attention to the country than before. Instead, it will maintain a watchful eye on business ventures that could generate financial benefits for individuals close to the American president.
Schmidt’s departure raises a more fundamental question than simply the identity of his successor: whether the West still maintains a unified policy toward Bosnia and Herzegovina. This issue gains added importance amid growing and increasingly frequent disagreements between the United States and the European Union.
If a new high representative is appointed without strong American backing, the Office of the High Representative will lose much of the political force that underpins its authority, rendering its leader largely marginalized. Schmidt’s own tenure illustrated this reality clearly – his influence was substantial only while he enjoyed the support of the previous U.S. administration. The shift in American policy following Trump’s return to the White House directly eroded Schmidt’s power.
Strongly supported by former U.S. Ambassador to Sarajevo Michael Murphy, Schmidt had imposed amendments to Bosnia’s Criminal Code that ultimately led to Dodik’s conviction, a one-year prison sentence, and a six-year ban from public office for refusing to implement High Representative decisions.
Before Schmidt’s resignation, Republika Srpska authorities had intensified demands for his expulsion, echoing Moscow’s argument that he had not been lawfully appointed because his nomination was never confirmed by the UN Security Council.
Dodik and his party now interpret Schmidt’s resignation as their triumph. Yet they face a paradox: his successor is also unlikely to receive UN Security Council confirmation. Dodik must therefore either continue challenging the legality of the High Representative’s office – thereby confronting the West – or tacitly acknowledge that the real issue was never the appointment procedure but rather the political conflict with the previous U.S. administration and Schmidt personally.
Schmidt’s exit also marks a weakening of German influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Germany had long been the most influential European power. According to BETA’s sources in Sarajevo, speculation is growing that the successor could be British – a prospect that would discomfort Dodik, who remains under British sanctions. Another possibility is an Italian candidate acceptable to the Trump administration. Names mentioned include Emanuele Giaufret, former head of the EU Delegation to Serbia (2021–2025), and Antonio Zanardi Landi, former Italian ambassador to Serbia and Montenegro (2004–2006) and to Russia (2011–2013).
Analysts agree that, regardless of who succeeds Schmidt, the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina will not be called into question. The state will continue to function, at least at a minimal level, even if those in power obstruct its institutions. The reason is simple: however weak and fragile Bosnia may be, it remains a source of enormous profit for those who govern it – profits they have no intention of giving up.
Caption: Christian Schmidt [Office of the High Representative on X]
Updated: May 15, 2026 - 06:02
