Analysis: is the Romanian president embracing the sovereigntist rhetoric?

Romanian President Nicușor Dan is borrowing elements of sovereigntist and far-right rhetoric in an attempt to win over nationalist voters, but the strategy is likely to backfire because “voters will always prefer the original to the copy”, foreign policy expert Marius Ghincea has warned.

In a series of recent public remarks, Dan has triggered concern among political analysts, journalists and civil society figures after criticising aspects of the European Union’s policy agenda and calling for broader debate on Ukraine and Romania’s strategic direction.

After cancelling a planned Europe Day reception on 9 May, the Romanian president argued that Europe had acted “ideologically” on several issues and described some EU environmental targets as “far too ambitious”.

Speaking later at the “Black Sea and Balkans Security Forum” on Tuesday, he also complained that public debate in Romania on Ukraine had become stagnant, saying “nobody says anything new anymore”.

The comments prompted criticism from several observers, including political analyst Răzvan Petri, who argued that some issues require democratic consensus rather than endless public reopening.

Speaking to PressOne, Marius Ghincea said president Dan’s recent messaging reflects an attempt to narrow the gap with nationalist and sovereigntist voters by adopting themes commonly associated with the Romanian far right.

“This is a mistake,” Ghincea said. “Political science literature consistently shows that mainstream parties which try to win back frustrated voters by adopting far-right rhetoric only end up legitimising those positions. The voter, if given the choice between the original and the copy, will generally prefer the original.”

According to the analyst, Dan’s criticism of the EU mirrors narratives increasingly common among Eurosceptic and right-wing populist movements across Europe.

“He has effectively borrowed rhetorical elements from the sovereigntist and populist right, which tends to oversimplify entirely normal political phenomena,” Ghincea said. “Ideology in politics is not a problem. Everyone has an ideology and public policy cannot exist without one.”

Ghincea argued that Dan is attempting to keep the Social Democratic Party (PSD) anchored within Romania’s pro-Western governing coalition by softening his rhetoric towards nationalist currents inside the party and among opposition voters.

“We can see increasing similarities between the president’s approach and that of PSD,” he said. “The president clearly wants PSD to remain part of the governing coalition.”

Dan has also sought to redefine his foreign policy positioning by describing himself as “pro-Western” rather than explicitly “pro-European”, arguing that Romania’s foreign policy rests on three pillars: the EU, NATO and the strategic partnership with the United States.

Ghincea said this explanation was understandable but insufficient to reassure reformist and pro-European circles worried about Romania’s geopolitical direction amid growing transatlantic tensions.

“Many reformist voices believe Romania should clearly defend the European Union and the European integration project,” he said. “That does not mean abandoning the strategic partnership with the United States, but it does require drawing red lines and saying: yes, we want close ties with Washington, but not at any cost.”

The analyst added that Dan currently appears unwilling to make such distinctions, instead favouring a “continuity” approach that avoids choosing between Brussels and Washington.

On Ukraine, Ghincea questioned what kind of debate the president was hoping to encourage.

“Does he want us to debate whether Russia is an aggressor state violating Ukraine’s sovereignty? Whether military support for Ukraine should continue?” he asked. “The president seems willing to debate some issues, like Ukraine, but not others – such as Romania’s broader strategic orientation or the balance between the EU and the United States.”

Ghincea also warned that Romania continues to struggle to increase the strategic importance of NATO’s south-eastern flank compared with the Baltic region and northern Europe, particularly after the accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO.

He argued that Romania should invest more heavily in its own defence capabilities alongside Bulgaria, improve political coordination with regional partners, and deepen bilateral security partnerships with countries such as France and Germany.

“The absence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio from Bucharest recently shows there is still considerable work to do if Romania wants to raise the profile of the south-eastern flank within NATO’s deterrence architecture,” Ghincea said.

The original article in Romanian by EUalive’s partner PressOne.ro can be found here.

Caption: Romania’s President Nicusor Dan attends a press conference with the Polish President, one day before the B9 Summit at Cotroceni Presidential Palace, in Bucharest, Romania, 12 May 2026. The B9 is an initiative launched by Romania and Poland with the participation of NATO member states on the Eastern Flank of the Alliance: Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Hungary. EPA/ROBERT GHEMENT